Showing posts sorted by date for query suffolk. Sort by relevance Show all posts
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Sunday, April 12, 2026

‘It was so queer being awake and having dreams’: social conformity and utopian subversion in the Magic Faraway Tree

So a mere 80 years after it was first published there is finally a movie version of Enid Blyton's The Magic Faraway Tree - the favourite book of my childhood. I haven't got too much to say about the film, I enjoyed its quite rightly modernised take and it certainly renders a very good tree. But does it fully explore the anarchist/communist tension of the  Land of Do-as-you-Please vs  the Land of Take-What-You-Want?! Luckily for you (!) I wrote 5000 words on the Enchanted Wood series of books  as part of a 'children's literature and cultural diversity' module at Goldsmiths a few years ago, exploring among other things its counter cultural influence and its utopian dimensions. This is slightly edited from text originally written in 2013.

Poster from 2026 movie release

Enid Blyton was the best selling British children’s author of the 20th century and nearly 50 years after her death remains in the top twenty most-borrowed children’s authors in British libraries (British Library, 2013). Nevertheless, her reputation has been controversial, with her work frequently criticised for its perceived lack of literary quality and later for its archaic treatment of class, gender and race (discussed in Ray, 1982, and Rudd, 2000).

This essay focuses on a series of Blyton’s fantasy novels known as the  ‘Enchanted Wood’ or ‘Faraway Tree’ trilogy. Having established their popularity and influence, I will draw upon critical literature on fairy tales and children’s fantasy literature to explore whether these works can be dismissed as vehicles for socialising children into the dominant ideology or whether they provide scope for more utopian readings. 

In the course of a writing career spanning almost fifty years, Blyton (1897-1968) covered most of the genres of children’s literature, including detective stories, holiday adventures and school stories. In an overview of Blyton’s work, Ray (1982) identifies another thread as being her ‘Fantasy World’ stories, starting with ‘Adventures of the Wishing Chair’ in 1937, in which two children travel to magical lands via a special chair. This was followed by the trilogy of ‘The Enchanted Wood’ (Blyton, 1939), ‘The Magic Faraway Tree’ (Blyton, 1943) and ‘The Folk of the Faraway Tree’ (Blyton, 1946).

In the ‘Enchanted Wood’ trilogy, a group of children who have recently moved from the city to the countryside discover a mysterious wood at the centre of which is ‘the oldest and most magic tree in the world’ (Blyton, 1939, p.16). This ‘Magic Faraway Tree’ is populated by various fairy tale-like characters and is the gateway to different lands which can be accessed from its upper branches as they pass by like clouds. Journeying into these worlds, the children have numerous adventures accompanied by Moon-face (a benevolent magician who lives at the top of the tree), his fairy neighbour Silky and the cookware-clad Saucepan Man.  


Illustration (and similar below) from 1971 edition, artist unknown

The series does not tend to feature in the canon of children's fantasy literature conventionally taken to run from ‘Alice in Wonderland’ via the ‘Chronicles of Narnia’ on to Ursula K Le Guin's 'Earthsea' series and beyond. There is no mention of Blyton in Goldthwaite's 'The Natural History of Make-Believe' (1996) - a 'history of the world's imaginative literature for children' - or in Deborah O'Keefe's 'Readers in Wonderland:  the liberating worlds of fantasy fiction' (2004).

Conversely, the books tend to be somewhat overlooked in works which focus on the life and writings of Blyton. They are mentioned only in passing in Duncan McLaren’s ‘Looking for Enid’ (2007) and Barbara Stoney’s standard biography of the author (Stoney, 2006). David Rudd’s ‘Enid Blyton and the Mystery of Children’s Literature’ (2000), which seeks to positively reconsider Blyton’s oeuvre, focuses primarily on the Famous Five, Noddy and Malory Towers books. 

Nevertheless the Enchanted Wood novels have remained in print continuously and have had an enduring impact on the memories and imaginations of generations of readers. In 2003 for instance, The Magic Faraway Tree was the only one of Blyton’s books to feature in the UK Top 100 Best-Loved Books selected in the BBC’s Big Read survey (BBC, 2004).  Recent spin-offs have included a 2000 audio book featuring the actress Kate Winslett, a 2004 animated TV series and a 2012 BBC radio adaption.  The books featured prominently in a major exhibition in 2013, ‘Mystery, Magic and Midnight Feasts - The Many Adventures of Enid Blyton’ held at Seven Stories: the National Centre for Children’s Books. In the same year the national ‘Storytelling Superstar’ competition to mark World Book Day was won by somebody reading from ‘The Folk of the Faraway Tree’ (Bayne, 2013).

In his history of the fairy tale, Jack Zipes (2012. p.x) distinguishes between  the oral storytelling of anonymous folk tales passed down through generations, and ‘literary fairy tales, which emanated from the oral traditions through the medium of manuscripts and print’  from the 16th century onwards.  These literary tales were rarely if ever straightforward renderings of oral folklore, but involved the reworking and adapting of traditional material by named authors for diverse purposes. The classic rewriting of older folk tales developed into a wider genre in which new stories were, and continue to be invented along similar lines featuring characters, tropes, and situations from older stories combined with additional elements.

Fairy tales were at the heart of Enid Blyton’s early writing, including her own versions of classic stories such as Cinderella and the Sleeping Beauty in ‘Fairy tales for the Little Ones’ (1924) and new stories composed by Blyton herself in ‘Enid Blyton’s Book of Fairies’ (1924). She wrote numerous fairy-themed and fantasy stories for the ‘Sunny Stories’ magazine that she edited, and in which ‘The Enchanted Wood’ was first serialised in 1938.

Notwithstanding Rudd’s characterisation of Blyton’s style as closer to oral storytelling than the literary tradition (Rudd, 1997), the Faraway Tree novels can certainly be considered as literary fairy tales, as they are written texts within which Blyton blends folkloric and traditional fairy tale elements with the products of her own imagination to create new stories.  In a manner which Hunt  (2000) characterises as Blyton’s ‘pot pourri’ approach and  Rudd (2008, p.263) interprets more generously as her ‘diffuse and extended’ intertextuality, we find traditional supernatural creatures such as fairies, gnomes and pixies; animal helpers and magical tools; and nursery rhyme characters such as the Old Woman who Lived in a Shoe. Perhaps most striking is the Faraway Tree itself - with its roots in the earth and its branches in the sky it recalls ‘Yggdrasil, the norse World Tree’, perhaps derived from Blyton’s childhood love of Norse mythology (Ray 1982, p.141). The novels also feature episodes and characters familiar from other literary fairy tales. For example McLaren (2007, p.274-277) suggests that the malevolent goblins in the stories may have been inspired by the book that Blyton declared was her favourite as a child – George MacDonald’s ‘The Princess and the Goblin’.  

For Zipes (2012), literary fairy tales are used ‘either to bring about conformity or to question conformity to the dominant civilizing process of a society’ (xi); they may ‘reconcile us to our social conventions and religious beliefs’ or ‘project alternatives to the status quo’ (xii).  Zipes argues that many of the classic literary fairy tales written by the likes of the Brothers Grimm, Charles Perrault and Hans Christian Anderson ‘function as part of the bourgeois socialization process’  (p.69) and ‘reinforce dominant religious and patriarchal attitudes about gender, mating, law and order’ (p.xi). On the other hand he identifies a body of ‘provocative counter-cultural fairy tales’ from the likes of Oscar Wilde, George MacDonald and L.Frank Baum which criticise social mores and aim at ‘inverting and subverting the world with hope’ (p.103). Alison Lurie (1990, pp.x-xi)  likewise celebrates what she terms ‘subversive works of children’s literature’, loosely defined as texts that ‘mock current assumptions and express the imaginative, unconventional, non-commercial view of the world’.

Before moving on to consider where the Faraway Tree trilogy should be placed in relation to Zipes’ socialisation/subversion dichotomy, I have to acknowledge that much of what follows is based on adult reader reactions to the texts, and of course I too am approaching the subject as an adult. In fact over the course of my life I have read the Faraway Tree trilogy from several different subject positions – as a child reader, when these were among my favourite books; as a parent reading these books to my own children; and now from an academic perspective. In practice it is difficult to disentangle childhood and parental memories, nostalgia and apparently theoretically grounded interpretations.  As Jacqueline Rose (1984, p.12) argues, part of what she terms ‘the impossibility of children’s fiction’ is that childhood ‘is never simply left behind’ but ‘persists as something which we endlessly rework in our attempt to build an image of our own history’.  In reflecting on how Blyton’s work appeals to children, I recognise that I cannot avoid approaching the subject through the filter of my adult self with its own investment in my childhood and those of others.

Radical critics of Blyton from the 1970s onwards saw her work as situated firmly within the camp of reactionary socialization. Blyton was one of the main authors taken to task in Bob Dixon's 'Catching them young’, which sought to critique racism, sexism and class bias in children’s fiction.  For Dixon (1977b), ‘What overwhelmingly pervades every aspect of Blyton’s work… is the insistence on conformity to the most, narrow, establishment-type beliefs, practices and values’ (p.68), the converse of which is ‘a fear of what is different or unusual… a fear of anything that’s new and threatens change’ (p.79).

Dixon (1977a, p.100) finds evidence of 'gratuitous racism' in Blyton’s Noddy books and elsewhere, with their golliwogs and their association of 'fear with black faces'. He also argues that Blyton’s works feature ‘culturally-conditioned “masculine” and “feminine” roles’’ (1977b p.66) and the presentation of ‘the middle-class English’ as the ‘assumed norm’ (p.68-9). 

Dixon  mainly draws his examples from Blyton’s Famous Five books. While it may be legitimate to criticise the author on the basis of this major series, it may also be true that not all texts in Blyton’s huge body of work treat race, gender and class in exactly the same way. I would argue that Dixon’s critique is not entirely accurate in relation to the Faraway Tree novels.

Firstly racism does not really feature in these stories, if only because the exotic otherness which Blyton and other authors of her time may have routinely projected on to ‘foreigners’ is supplied instead by supernatural and fairy tale creatures who do not seem to relate to any particular racial or national stereotypes.  

In terms of gender stereotypes, there is a clear gender-based division of labour in the children’s household. ‘Mother’ looks after the house while the barely-mentioned Father goes out to some undefined job. As for the children, the very first paragraph of The Magic Faraway Tree tells us that ‘The girls had to help their mother in the house, and Jo help his father in the garden’ (Blyton, 1943, p.5).

Jo, the older brother of the siblings, tends to take the lead in the action and tell his sisters what to do. But the girl characters are hardly passive. They participate fully in most adventures, climbing the tree and sometimes initiating action. For instance, when Jo is taken prisoner by The Magic Snowman it is his sisters who come to his rescue, taking part in the giant snowball fight of the Battle of the Bears (Blyton, 1939, p.62).

We should also bear in mind that in writing stories in which girls and boys participated in adventures together, Blyton was amongst the authors breaking new ground in this period.  Ray (1982, p.18) observes that  ‘Before 1930, books about everyday life had tended to be about boys for boys or about girls for girls’ whereas subsequently ‘there was a definite trend towards writing books that would appeal to both boys and girls’.

If class snobbery is a feature of some of Blyton’s fictional worlds, it is less so in the Enchanted Wood trilogy.  In the opening chapter of the series it is made clear that the children are from a relatively poor family whose ‘Mother hoped there would be some one to give her washing to do, then she would make enough money to buy a few hens’ (Blyton, 1939, p.8). While in other Blyton stories the main characters may sometimes seem to look down on children of a lower social class, in these stories it is the children themselves who are the subject of condescension. When their ‘stuck up’ cousin Connie comes to stay she looks down on them and their ‘country’ clothes (Blyton, 1946, Chapter One).

It is undoubtedly true that Blyton intended her work to put across a message about how she believed children should behave and to promote certain values. Blyton 'often builds the narrator into the text as an intrusive persona, by turns 'jolly' and insistently moralizing' (Hunt, 1994, p.38)  and there are many examples in these stories of  characters variously castigated as ‘naughty’ or ‘spoilt’, while unhappy outcomes sometimes ‘serve them right’. 

In a 1949 article  Blyton wrote that she was ‘not only out to tell stories’ but to ‘inculcate decent thinking, loyalty, honesty, kindliness, and all the things that children should be taught’ (cited in Stoney, 2006, p.195). While Blyton may have believed these were solid ‘British’ values, they are relatively politically neutral. The Enchanted Wood novels lack the explicit appeals to Empire, Queen and Country found in the fiction of some of her contemporaries, a fact that may explain the global success of many of her books in translation. 

Moreover these ‘decent’ values do not always equate simply with ‘narrow, establishment’  ideology (Dixon, 1977b, p.68). When basic fairness is violated for instance, Blyton sanctions her characters’ disobedience and rebellion against authority. Unjustly incarcerated in ‘Dame Slap’s School’ with its regime of arbitrary violence and impossible to answer questions, the children throw down their pencils in protest at the ‘silly nonsense’ and escape (Blyton, 1939, p.127).  

In any event, as Sarland (2005, p.46) notes, the notion that children’s fiction simply ‘constructs readers in specific ideological formations and thus enculturates them into the dominant discourse of capitalism’ has been challenged by a greater emphasis on the different ways texts are actually read and interpreted, with readers ‘not simply determined by what they read’.  Judging by the reminiscences of adult writers, the Faraway Tree series is certainly not recalled as a narrow, conformist morality tale. New Zealand poet Bill Manhire (2000, p.56), choosing 'The Magic Faraway Tree' as the special book of his childhood, argues that the author’s  'imaginative power... makes the usual criticism of Enid Blyton - as stylist and moralist - irrelevant'. These stories were also amongst those children’s writer Susan Hill (2009, p.24-5) had in mind when she wrote that 'Enid Blyton excited us, took us into worlds of mystery, magic, adventure and fun’.


V for Vendetta - Evie gets a bedtime story from the Magic Faraway Tree

Intriguingly the Faraway Tree stories have achieved a particular cachet in British alternative political and cultural milieus.  The Magic Faraway Tree is referenced in Alan Moore and David Lloyd's cult graphic novel ‘V for Vendetta’ for instance, a copy of the book being left as a gift by the anarchist main character who later refers in a speech to the Land of Do-as-you-Please and Land of Take-What-You-Want (Moore and Lloyd, 1990, p.195). Other examples include A Faraway Tree festival held in Suffolk in 2012 &13 and an Irish folk music collective, The Magickal Folk of the Faraway Tree (formed in 2002).

The novels also supplied imagery to the opponents of the Government’s road building programme in the 1990s who established direct action protest camps.  A participant recalled that The Enchanted  Wood was  ‘One of the most  popular books at Skyward camp at Newbury…  At Fairmile in Devon, protesters referred to themselves as "Fairies." At the centre of the camp stood one large oak tree, complete with four tree houses,  which, for protesters, came to resemble the magic faraway tree’ (Letcher, 2001,p.150).

With all this mind, I will now consider the extent to which the Faraway Tree books can be read as offering potentially utopian visions and to embody ‘the liberating potential of the fantastic’ that Jack Zipes (2012,p.168) identifies in some children’s stories. 

At the heart of the Faraway Tree series is the possibility of escape from the everyday into other lands, some benign, some less so. Alternative dimensions directly accessible to children are a feature of popular fantasy literature, from the Narnia chronicles to the ‘differing space of multiple worlds’ (Cantrell, 2010, p.303) in Pulman’s His Dark Materials. Typically, the portal into these worlds is something relatively mundane – a wardrobe (C.S. Lewis), a knife (Pulman) or in Blyton’s case, a tree a short distance from the house. 

The Enchanted Wood is a liminal space, reached by crossing a boundary – leaping over a ditch – and in which the rules of the everyday world are partially suspended. But as Manhire (2000, p.56) suggests, its appeal is partially that ‘Faraway is quite close by’, with Blyton overriding ‘our habitual distinctions between what is real and what is fantastic. If children can climb a ladder into other lands, the people of those lands can as easily descend to ours’. 

This proximity carries with it the dream of escape. In Jacqueline Wilson's novel Best Friends  (2004, p.74), the troubled narrator hides a letter 'between the pages of my best-ever book, The Enchanted Wood’ and wishes that she ‘could find the Enchanted Wood, climb up the Faraway Tree, and clamber up the ladder into the land above, and never ever come back' (p.74) [Wilson herself wrote 'The Magic Faraway Tree: a new adventure' in 2022]. Similarly, in her transgender memoir, Lo (2007, p.19) recalls a Singapore childhood reading Blyton on a balcony overlooking a forest: ‘I imagined that Moon-face and the Saucepan man were tucked away somewhere in the trees. I longed to find the Faraway Tree whose branches pierced the sky'. 

If escapism is intrinsic to the pleasure of children’s fantasy literature, it is ‘not so much an escape from something as a liberation into something, into openness and possibility’ (O’Keefe, 2003, p.11).  The Enchanted Wood is both a fantasy world of possibility in its own right, and a place from which the children can journey on to the other lands that pass by the top of the Faraway Tree.  Some of these lands could be described as dystopian spaces where children are potentially in peril, such as the The Land of Tempers or The Land of Dame Slap. But many more of them are places where children’s wishes come true: there are Lands of Marvels, of Presents, Treats and Birthdays. 

To what extent can this assemblage of lands be termed utopian?  Bradford at al  (2007, p.2-3) have sketched out what they term as ‘transformative utopianism’ in children’s literature, characterised as ‘fictional imaginings of transformed world orders… which propose new social and political arrangements’ but they also describe utopias more broadly as visions that  ‘imagine a better world than the one that readers/audiences currently know’ (p.4)..  In his 'Utopia and Science Fiction’ (1978) Raymond Williams likewise distinguishes between the 'systematic utopia' of new social structures and a looser 'heuristic utopia' in which 'the substance of new values and relations is projected, with comparatively little attention to institutions’.

In these stories, Blyton certainly does not propose a new political and social order as any kind of systematic/transformative utopia. In fact one feature of the Faraway Tree worlds is that it is not burdened by an over-arching cosmology or hierarchy. In some Lands there may be soldiers, policemen or wizards (easily befuddled by children where necessary), but it is unclear who, if anybody, is in charge in this parallel universe. In this respect, Blyton’s work is akin to the children’s literature of Victorian and Edwardian England which O’Keefe (2003, p.14) describes as featuring ‘loosely organised worlds where characters wandered through episodic adventures’.

The utopian aspects of the Faraway Tree books are more ‘heuristic’, for while Blyton does not delineate new social structures she does invite the reader to dream. If nothing else the multiplicity of different lands implies that other worlds organised on a variety of principles are imaginable and indeed in some cases desirable.  As Fanny exclaims in The Magic Faraway Tree, it’s ‘so queer being awake and having dreams’ (Blyton, 1943, p.76).

Blyton’s utopian lands can be seen as part of a wider tradition of imagined worlds of abundance and license, perhaps best summed up in the names of two of the most vividly imagined lands at the top of the tree – The Land of Take-What-You- Want and The Land of Do-As-You-Please. In the former, as Moon-Face describes it, visitors can ‘take whatever you want for yourselves without paying a penny’ (Blyton, 1939, p.112), while in the latter the children are told ‘Just think of all the things you want to do – you can do them all in the Land of Do-As-You-Please’ (Blyton, 1943,  p.80).

This ‘utopia of free consumption’, to use Raymond Williams’ term (1978) has echoes of Rabelais’ 16th century fictional Abbey of Theleme with its one Rule of ‘Do what thou wilt’ and its abundance of fine food, clothes and other pleasures (Rabelais, 2006, p.367-373). Echoes too of the Medieval trope of Cockaigne as the land of plenty,  ’a realm of miraculous abundance’ in a ‘World Turned Upside Down’ where food and drink of every kind are freely to be had (Minton, 1991, p.39).


Fay çe que vouldras (do what thou wilt), illustration by Gustave Doré

Blyton was certainly well-read enough to have been familiar with these antecedents, but the fantasy of plenty is one that might be expected to spontaneously arise wherever people are hungry and in this respect the period in which the books were written is surely significant. The Enchanted Wood was first serialised in the late 1930s, towards the end of a period of high unemployment and economic depression. The second two books were written during and immediately after the Second World War, when food shortages and rationing were a feature of everyday life. Before setting off to the The-Land-of-Take-What-You-Want we are told that ‘money was very scarce, and the children did not have as much to eat as they would have liked’ (Blyton, 1939, p.35). For children living through the austerity of this period the abundance of food in these books must have been tantalising, but even in relatively more affluent times the fantasy of an instant gratification of bodily appetites has a strong appeal. The books are filled with feasting featuring both familiar and fantasy foodstuffs, such as exploding ‘Toffee Shock’ sweets,  ‘Pop Biscuits’ and sherbet-filled ‘Google Buns’.

Many children’s stories seemingly offer this kind of wish fulfilment only to teach a lesson that children cannot always have what they want, and must learn to control their appetites. In his Freudian account ‘The Uses of Enchantment’ (1976), Bruno Bettelheim argues that teaching such lessons is precisely the function of fairy tales – children are taught to temper the Pleasure Principle with the Reality Principle. Hansel and Gretel for instance forces ‘children to recognise the dangers of unrestrained oral greed’, with their eating of the gingerbread house provoking the witch as ‘personification of the destructive aspects of orality’ (p.162).

Blyton however allows her child characters to have their cake and eat it too. While they get into some scrapes in the The-Land-of-Take-What-You-Want they are able to return home with the goat and chickens that their mother had wished for to supply them with eggs and milk. And no harm comes to Bessie in the Land of Birthdays when her wishes are granted with ‘an enormous dish of strawberries’ and ‘jugs of all kinds of delicious drinks, and cakes and jellies and fruit’ (Blyton, 1939, p.182).

We can see parallels between the centrality of food in The Faraway Tree and the ubiquity of ‘banquet images – food, drink, swallowing’ that Mikhail Bakhtin (1984, p. 278) identified in the work of Rabelais and more broadly in carnivalesque popular-festive culture. For Bakhtin, ‘The feast means liberation’ and ‘is a temporary transfer to the utopian world’ (p. 276).  Oittinen (2006, p. 86-7)  argues that  'carnivalism (folk culture) and children's culture have many... things in common' (p.86) and sees Blyton’s focus on feasting as exemplifying a recognition of children’s culture, intrinsic to which is the fact that  'tastes are part of the child's world of experience, part of his/her emotional life' (p.87).

Other aspects of the ‘carnivalesque’ also feature in Blyton’s novels, perhaps helping to explain part of their appeal to children. The nonsense rhymes of the Saucepan Man and his humorous mishearing of other people’s remarks  are ‘comic verbal compositions’ (Bakhtin, p.5) which play with language and laughter, and the adventures in many of the lands are essentially festive episodes of play and license where children can take-what-they-want/do-as-they-please  in a carnivalesque ‘suspension of all hierarchical rank, privileges, norms and prohibitions’ (Bakhtin, 1984,p.10).

Fred Inglis (1997, p.131) remarks that Blyton’s work often features ‘a harmony of free, mutual life’ and we can identify this as a further utopian element in these texts. There is a harmonious relationship between humans and nature, with the children encountering various animal helpers, such as the rabbits that join the fight to save the faraway tree from destruction (Blyton, 1946, p.157). These relationships are an extension of those that exist between the children, who despite occasional bickering look after each other in unfamiliar situations away from adult supervision, and between the inhabitants of the Faraway Tree. The latter, including Moon-face, Silky the fairy, the Saucepan Man,  the Angry Pixie and Dame Washalot, form a kind of alternative non-familial household of relative equals. 

Writing about Blyton’s beloved ‘Princess and the Goblin’ by George MacDonald, Zipes (2012, p.111) notes that ‘There is never one hero, rather there are always male and female protagonists, who learn to follow their deep inclinations, respect each other’s needs and talents, and share each other’s visions’. Much the same could be said of Blyton’s approach of having a group of friends and/or siblings as a kind of collective hero in these and many of her books, providing too multiple points of potential identification for child readers of different ages and genders.

One of the ‘regressive’ aspects that Zipes (2012, p.176) identifies in classical fairy tales is that the ‘happy end’ is usually dependent upon ‘arbitrary authority (generally in the form of monarchs or monarchs in the making)’ whose ‘Raw power is used to right wrongs’.  Blyton departs from this convention – when the future of the Faraway Tree is threatened by Trolls mining for jewels at its roots, it is the children and their animal and tree-dwelling friends who defeat them and save the tree without any recourse to external powers (Blyton, 1946, pp.138-157).

The woodland setting for such imaginings has a long history in English culture, including in the work of Shakespeare who sets his suspension of social norms in comedies such as ‘As You Like It’ and ‘A Midsummer Night’s Dream’ in  enchanted forests of his own. Northrop Frye’s influential interpretation of this as the ‘drama of the Green World’ can also be applied to Blyton’s  Enchanted Wood, an ‘ideal world of innocence and romance’ away from the confines of ‘the normal world’ which is also linked ‘to the dream world that we create out of own desires’ (Frye, 1957, p.182-3). If in Shakespearean comedy the desires unblocked in the Green World are sexual ones, Blyton attends to the desires of young children – for endless treats, fairground rides, sweets and presents. 

In fairy and fantasy stories there is typically a tension between what Tolkien (2006) termed the ‘primary’ world of the everyday and the imagined ‘secondary world’ of adventure and mystery which the characters slip into.  The latter can be a frightening place, but Blyton always manages this tension in a way that ultimately reassures her young readers. 

Within the various Lands the children visit, the main dangers are those faced by children everywhere – separation (as the Lands move on) and the unpredictable outbursts and occasional violence of beings larger than themselves. There is little sense of danger to life itself, and the supernatural creatures encountered tends to be mostly benign (brownies and elves), mischievous or disruptive (the ‘red goblins’) rather than terrifying or evil.  Blyton’s fairies are of the whimsical kind criticised by the folklorist Katherine Briggs (1967), who noted the gradual diminution of literary fairies from the 19th century compared with their fearsome traditional counterparts. 

To use one of Blyton’s own chapter headings in The Magic Faraway Tree, it is always the case that ‘Everything Comes Right’. However wild the adventures, there is always the comforting order of home where there is nothing more to worry about than helping out with chores – in the eternal holiday of these books, even school is never mentioned. As with many of the best children’s fantasy books ‘readers immerse themselves in the journey of characters… in doing so, they experience the same movement away from and back to daily life, and the same exciting interval in between, in a brave new place’ (O’Keefe, p.33)

When Jack Zipes  writes about subversive/counter-cultural children’s literary fairy tales, the examples he gives are from writers who have ‘expressly tried to make their tales more emancipatory and critical’ (2012,p.170). As I have argued above there is ample material in the Faraway Tree books to enable utopian readings, but this does not mean that the author had any deliberate subversive intent. Blyton seems to have been commercially ambitious (and of course successful) and to have held fairly conservative views on matters such as Royalty, capital punishment and the family (Stoney, 2006).  There was though at least one area where Blyton does seems to have had a broadly progressive intent – in relation to child development and the natural world.

Enid Blyton completed a National Froebel Union kindergarten teaching course in 1918 and long before she became a children’s novelist had achieved national recognition for her columns in ‘Teachers World’ magazine and other education writings. Frederick Froebel’s 'belief in the importance of understanding nature' and learning 'through spending time in gardens and forest' (Bruce, 2012, p.15) clearly influenced Blyton who designed nature lessons with the aim of arousing in the child ‘something that will stay with him and delight him all his life – a lasting love for Nature with its many beauties and wonders’ (Blyton cited in Cadogan, 1997, p.105). The wonder at the natural world certainly shines through in the Faraway Tree books.

Beyond this, a Froebelian influence can perhaps be discerned in Blyton’s child-centred approach to writing. Blyton famously listened to children’s feedback about her stories, and took inspiration for her work from her observations of and interactions with children. (Stoney, 2006). This market research may have been sound business sense, but it also reflected a belief that children were worth paying attention to. As Blyton wrote in an early Teachers World column, ‘A child’s mind is wonderful in its simplicity, directness and sensitiveness’ and ‘as Froebel knew, a child is always seeking to express himself’ (Blyton, 1923, cited in Stoney, 2006, p.186).

It would be oversimplifying matters to say that this perspective enabled Blyton to directly address children in a manner unmediated by ideology, in particular the social constructions of childhood prevalent at the time. As Nodelman (2008, p.5) observes, since adults usually buy children’s books, the writer must make judgments based ‘not on what they believe will appeal to children but rather on what they believe adult consumers believe they know will appeal to children’. However it is clear that for the most part Blyton’s implied reader is the child not the parent.  She ‘writes uncompromisingly for a single audience, not winking over the children’s heads at other adults for approbation’ (Hunt, 2000, p.38).  In doing so, Blyton sometimes breaks the rule ‘which demands that the narrator be adult or child, one or the other’ (Rose ,1984, p.69). While generally she takes the narrative position of an adult, at times she appears to slip into sharing a child’s language and view of the world.  Blyton was criticised in this respect for ‘her irrationality as a child’ (Walter Hildick, cited in Rose, p.69), but this narrative device was perhaps a deliberate strategy to involve the child reader in a literary simulation of a peer-to-peer conversation.  The final line of the trilogy is a striking example of this. After Connie wishes that she could live by the Wood and ‘go up the Faraway Tree whenever you like’ the narrator concludes: ‘So do I, don’t you?’ (Blyton, 1946, p.185).

Enid Blyton’s Faraway Tree novels do not fit neatly into a typology which neatly divides children’s literary fairy stories  into either conformist morality tales or subversive utopias. Blyton has a clear agenda of promoting children’s behaviours she approved of, and the novels reflect then-contemporary values in regard to gender even if the racist and class-biased attitudes critics have identified in some of her works are largely absent in these.  On the other hand, she grants her child characters agency to act autonomously in utopian settings of companionship, abundance and freedom.  While Blyton may not have had a subversive intent, if latter day eco-protestors, graphic novelists and others of a radical persuasion can draw positively on their childhood memories of these books it is not as a result of a wilful misreading of the texts.  Blyton’s early Froebelian training and personal inclination led her to positively promote wonder at nature and to be attentive to children’s culture with its carnivalesque fantasies, and these found full expression in the worlds of the Faraway Tree.

Bibliography

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Bettlelheim, B. (1976) The Uses of Enchantment: the meaning and importance of fairy tales. London: Penguin.

Blyton, E. (1939), The Enchanted Wood. London: Dean.

Blyton, E. (1943), The Magic Faraway Tree. London: Dean.

Blyton, E. (1946), The Folk of the Faraway Tree. London: Dean.

Bradford, C. et al (2007) New World Orders in Contemporary Children’s Literature: Utopian Transformations. Basingstoke: Palgarve Macmillan.

Briggs, K.M. (1967) The Fairies in Tradition and Literature. London: Routledge

British Library (2013) Public Lending Right Most Borrowed Authors – July 2012 to June 2013. British Library Public Lending Right: Stockton on Tees.

Bruce, T. (2012) Early Childhood Practice: Froebel Today. London: Sage.

Cadogan, M. (1997) ‘The Magic of Enid Blyton’ in Tucker, N. and Reynolds, K., Enid Blyton: a celebration and reappraisal. London: National Centre for Research in Children's Literature, pp.104-110.

Cantrell, S. (2010) 'Nothing Like Pretend: Difference, Disorder, and Dystopia in The Multiple World Spaces of Philip Pullman's His Dark Materials’. Children’s Literature in Education, 41: 301-322.

Dixon, Bob (1977a) Catching them young 1: sex, race and class in children’s fiction. London: Pluto Press.

Dixon, Bob (1977b) Catching them young 2: political ideas in children’s fiction. London: Pluto Press.

Frye, N. (1957) Anatomy of Criticism: four essays. Princeton: University Press

Goldthwaite, J. (1996) The natural history of make-believe: a guide to the principal works of Britain, Europe and America. Oxford: University Press.

Hill, S. (2009) Howards End is on the Landing: A year of reading from home. London: Profile Books.

Inglis, F. (1997) ‘Enid Blyton, Malcolm Saville and the Good Society’ in Tucker, N. and Reynolds, K., Enid Blyton: a celebration and reappraisal. London: National Centre for Research in Children's Literature, pp.127-133.

Hunt, P. (2000), Children's Literature. London: Blackwall.

Letcher, A. (2001) ‘The Scouring of the Shire: Fairies, Trolls and Pixies in Eco-Protest Culture’, Folklore, Vol. 112, No. 2.

Lo, L. (2007) Leonard to Leona: A Singapore Transsexual's Journey to Womanhood, Singapore: Select Books.

Lurie, Alison (1990) Don’t tell the grown-ups: the subversive power of children’s literature, Boston: Little, Brown and Company

Manhire, B. (2000) 'Early Reading: The Magic Faraway Tree' in Manhire, B., Doubtful sounds: essays and interviews. Wellington: Victoria University Press, pp. 55-56

McLaren, D. (2007) Looking for Enid: the mysterious and inventive life of Enid Blyton. London: Portobello Books.

Minton, J. (1991) 'Cockaigne to Diddy Wah Diddy: Fabulous Geographies and Geographic Fabulations, Folklore, Vol. 102, No. 1, pp. 39-47

Moore, A. and Lloyd, D. (1990), V for Vendetta. New York.

Nodelman, P. (2008), The Hidden Adult: Defining Children’s Literature. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.

Oittinen, R. (2006) 'The Verbal and the Visual: on the carnivalism and dialogics of translating for children' in Lathey, G.(ed), The translation of children's literature: a reader, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters,pp.84-97.

O’Keefe, D. (2004) Readers in Wonderland: The Liberating Worlds of Fantasy Fiction. New York: Bloomsbury.

Rabelais, F. (2006) Gargantua and Pantagruel. London: Penguin Books

Ray, S,  (1982) The Blyton Phenomenon. London: Andre Deutsch.

Rose, J. (1984) The Case of Peter Pan, Or, The Impossibility of Children's Fiction. London: MacMillan.

Rudd,D. (1997) 'Why won't Enid Blyton go away' in Tucker, N. and Reynolds, K., Enid Blyton: a celebration and reappraisal. London: National Centre for Research in Children's Literature, pp.17-29.

Rudd, D. (2000) Enid Blyton and the Mystery of Children’s Literature. London: St Martins Press.

Rudd, D. (2008) 'From Froebel teacher to English Disney: the phenomenal success of Enid Blyton' in Briggs, J., Butts, D. and Grenby, M.O. (eds) Popular children's literature in Britain, pp. 251-270. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Ltd.

Sarland, C. (2005) ‘Critical tradition and ideological positioning’ in Hunt, P. (ed._ Understanding Children’s Literature. Abingdon: Routledge. 2nd ed., pp. 30-46.

Stoney, B. (2006) Enid Blyton: the biography. Stroud: The History Press.

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Williams, R. (1978), ‘Utopia and Science Fiction’. Science Fiction Studies, Volume 5, Part 3.

Wilson, J. (2004) Best Friends. London: Random House.

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Reference : 

Neil Transpontine (2026), ‘It was so queer being awake and having dreams’:  social conformity and utopian subversion in the Magic Faraway Tree. https://history-is-made-at-night.blogspot.com/2026/04/it-was-so-queer-being-awake-and-having.html


Sunday, May 18, 2025

For Peace! exhibition at Four Corners


'For Peace!' is an interesting exhibition at Four Corners gallery in Bethnal Green, based around material from the archive at MayDay Rooms. The focus is very much on the more radical end of peace and anti-militarist movements - not simply calling for an absence of conflict but challenging the existence of the military and the state's weapons of mass destruction which tick along beneath the radar of mainstream political discourse. Was anybody ever asked for instance whether we wanted a continuing massive US military base at Lakenheath in Suffolk? 

From this perspective the efforts of the Greenham Common and Faslane peace camps set up in the 1980s are seen as central, installing themselves at what is perhaps the real heart of the state - less  Whitehall than the fenced off compounds behind which it accumulates its missiles.

Abolish War! - Greenham common women's peace camp

The Faslane peace camp was set up in 1982 at the Royal Naval base in Scotland that is home to Britain's nuclear weapons-armed submarines

There is archive material from the direct action end of the 1950s/60s movement against the bomb (Committee of 100 and Spies for Peace) and from some less well known 1980s/90s activists such as those who opposed the 'nuclear colonialism' of testing sites and weapons bases.

'The peasants are revolting Ma'am' - a group of women protestors described in the Sun as a '15-strong feminist brigade' climbed over the wall into Buckingham Palace grounds in 1993 in solidarity with the Western Shoshone people whose land in the Nevada Desert was used as a testing ground for American and British nuclear weapons.

'Women working for a nuclear-free and independent Pacific' - a 1980s benefit at the Old White Horse in Brixton (later Brixton Jamm). The Rongelap survivors were those still living with the radioactive aftermath of the 1950s H Bomb tests in the Pacific.

There is also an emphasis     on solidarity movements such as the Troops Out Movement who campaigned for British withdrawal from Ireland from the 1970s to the 1990s

1980s Southwark Troops Out Movement meeting -  SNOW venue refers to 'Squatters Network of Walworth'

Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament against Trident missiles and a flyer for the 1983 'Festival for the Future' in Bristol

Friday, January 22, 2021

Revolt of the Ravers – The Movement against the Criminal Justice Act in Britain 1993-95

by Neil Transpontine

[first published in Datacide: magazine for noise and politics, number 13, 2013]

It is now twenty years since the British government first announced that it was bringing in new laws to prevent free parties and festivals. The legislation that ended up as the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 prompted a mass movement of defiance with long lasting and sometimes unexpected consequences.

Many people would see the origins of the story in the Castlemorton free festival in May 1992. Thousands of people had headed into the English West Country in search of the planned Avon Free Festival. After a massive police initiative – Operation Nomad – they ended up at Castlemorton Common in the Malvern hills. The festival that kicked off there featured sound systems including Bedlam, Circus Warp, Spiral Tribe and DiY. It soon became too big for the police to stop as up to 40,000 people from all over the country gathered for a week long party – many of them attracted by sensationalist TV and newspaper coverage.


It was the biggest unlicensed gathering of this kind since the state had smashed the Stonehenge festival in the mid-1980s. What made Castlemorton different was not just the soundtrack but the crowd. The free festivals of the 1970s and early 1980s grew out of a post-hippy ‘freak’ counter culture, later reinvigorated with an infusion of anarcho-punks and ‘new age travelers’. The growing free party scene in the early 1990s included plenty of veterans from such scenes, but also attracted a much wider spectrum of ravers, clubbers and casuals. The traditional divide between marginal sub-cultures and mainstream youth scenes was breaking down as people from all kinds of social, cultural and style backgrounds converged to dance together in warehouses and fields. What’s more, the movement seemed to be expanding rapidly beyond anybody’s control.

Castlemorton, 1992

Soon there were calls for new police powers. In a parliamentary debate in June 1992, the local Conservative MP, Michael Spicer, spoke of the festival as if it had been a military operation, describing it as ‘the invasion that took place at Castlemorton common in my constituency, on Friday 22 May… On that day, new age travellers, ravers and drugs racketeers arrived at a strength of two motorised army divisions, complete with several massed bands and, above all, a highly sophisticated command and signals system’. He went on, ‘The problem of mass gatherings must be dealt with before they take place… chief constables should be given discretionary powers to ban such gatherings altogether if they decide that they are a threat to public order’.

In fact, there were already laws that the police could have used at Castlemorton, the problem was they were more or less unenforceable because of the sheer numbers involved. Another Conservative MP told parliament, ‘There is only so much that one can do once a crowd of 20,000 has assembled. It would have been of no benefit to local residents that May weekend if insensitive action had provoked a full-scale riot’ (Charles Wardle MP, 29 June 1992). As the Government put its mind to new legislation a key focus was on how to stop such numbers assembling in the first place.

In the meantime, it was by using existing laws that the state sought to make an example of people suspected of being involved in organising Castlemorton. At the end of the festival the police ambushed vehicles leaving the site. 13 people – most of them associated with Spiral Tribe – were arrested and charged with ‘conspiracy to cause a public nuisance’, carrying a likely jail sentence if convicted. Legal proceedings dragged on for nearly two years, until in March 1994, the jury acquitted all defendants of conspiracy after a ten week trial at Wolverhampton Crown Court. By that time Government actions seemed to show that it was the whole free party and festival movement that was in the frame.

The Government signaled its intention to bring in new powers against ‘raves’ in March 1993, and in November of that year confirmed that this would be included in a new Criminal Justice Bill with what a Government minister described as new ‘pre-emptive powers to prevent a build up of large numbers of people on land where the police reasonably believe that a rave will take place’ (Hansard, 23 November 1993)

The Criminal Justice and Public Order Bill was brought before Parliament in January 1994 and included increased police powers to stop and search people, and to take intimate body samples; provisions against squatters and travellers; and the criminalisation of many forms of protest with a new offence of ‘aggravated trespass’. And then there were the infamous ‘powers in relation to raves’. These included giving police the power to order people to leave land where they were setting up, awaiting or attending a ‘rave’, and to direct anybody within five miles of a rave away from the area. The police were also authorised to seize vehicles and sound systems before or during a rave.

Of course all this involved some tricky legal definitions – what made a ‘rave’ different from any other gathering of people where music was being played, such as an opera festival? Hence the notorious definition of a rave as ‘a gathering on land in the open air’ with music that ‘includes sounds wholly or predominantly characterised by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats’. Ironically by this point hardly anybody involved was still calling these events ‘raves’ – a word that already sounded dated was soon to become enshrined in law.

The movement against the Bill grew quickly out of the overlapping squatting, road protest and free party scenes. In October 1993, Advance Party was launched after a meeting in a squatted launderette in north London. As they declared soon after: ‘‘Unite to Dance! For the right of free assembly. Our music, our festivals, our parties, our lives… Enuff’s Enuff!. Defend the vibe against road blocks, arbitrary arrests, confiscation of rights, laws unfairly used, Criminal Trespass act, Anti-squatting laws, Caravan sites act, Public order act and general harassment and mass criminalisation… Join the Advance Party Collective” (Advance Party Information, Issue 1, February 1994).


If Advance Party was specifically linked to the free party scene, the Freedom Network sought to be a slightly broader network of ‘squatters, travellers, free party organisers, hunt sabs, road protestors etc’. By 1995, they said that they were made up on ‘80+ independent local groups who are trying to wake up their communities to the dangers of the Act’.

Around the UK, groups opposed to the Criminal Justice Bill came together. The scope of the movement is shown in ‘The Book’ a ‘directory of 200 active collectives in the UK’ published by Brighton activists in 1995. More than 60 groups were listed as having an ‘Anti-CJA’ focus (by this point ‘the Bill’ had become ‘the Act’ as it had passed into law). As well as the national contacts such as Advance Party and Freedom Network, numerous local collectives were included: Freedom Network local groups in Cheshire, Leeds, Lincoln, Manchester, Oxford and elsewhere; Campaign or Coalitions ‘Against the Criminal Justice Act’ in Dorset, Exeter, Hull, Isle of Wight, Leicester, Norfolk etc. North of the border the Scottish Defiance Alliance was made up of ‘over 30 different organisations from Glasgow’.

Freedom Network benefit gig at Cool Tan in Brixton, the squatted former dole office

In these early days of the internet, there was some information available online through Green Net and pHreak (an ‘underground culture’ online network). But these were very limited and few people had internet access. Written communication was still mainly by the old methods of print, paper and post. Important sources of information included Squall: Magazine for Assorted Itinerants and the various local Free Information Network newsletters. There were various zines including Pod (‘the magazine for DIY culture’), Frontline and later Schnews, developed in Brighton as a weekly printed round up of resistance to the Act once it had become law. There was also coverage in Alien Underground, predecessor zine to Datacide.

Another medium of information was ‘video magazines’ featuring footage of protests and related news, such as Undercurrents (based in Oxford), Conscious Cinema (Brighton) and Hackney based HHH, who put out a ‘Criminal Injustice Bill’ special in 1994.

But it was primarily through the network of underground parties, clubs and gigs that news of the CJA spread through stalls, leaflets and word of mouth. In 1994, it seemed that virtually every party flyer had an anti-CJA slogan on it, and there were numerous benefit events.

Squatted spaces were important as bases of opposition, some short-lived and some lasting for months or longer. CJB activists initiated the six week occupation of Artillery Mansions, a 3,000 room empty building in Westminster first squatted in February 1994 (nicknamed ‘New Squatland Yard’ because of its proximity to the Metropolitan Police HQ at New Scotland Yard). Cool Tan, a squatted ex-unemployed office in Brixton, hosted many anti-CJA benefit parties, as well as housing the office for the Freedom Network. In North London, there was the Rainbow Centre in a squatted church in Kentish Camden Town, and in Brighton, the Justice? Collective squatted a Courthouse. In Oxford, riot police evicted an occupied empty cinema within 24 hours of it being squatted by anti-CJA activists in August 1994; 200 people later demonstrated in the city centre against police actions (Squall, Autumn 1994). There were also CJB ‘protest squats’ in Swansea (a church hall), Rugby and elsewhere.

Also significant were the big free festivals still taking place in London parks, linked to the squatting scene but having permission from Councils to party for a weekend: not pseudo-free festivals behind big fences with lots of private security, but proper sprawling mildy-chaotic events with sound systems, dance tents and lots of bands. Two of the biggest were the Deptford Urban Free Festival and the Hackney Homeless Festival. Up to 30,000 people attended the latter in Clissold Park, Stoke Newington in May 1994 with acts including anti-CJA bands such as The Levellers, Co-Creators, Fun-Da-Mental and Back to the Planet. 30 people were arrested later after riot police piled in after the festival outside the Robinson Crusoe pub.

There were several anti-CJA music compilations, notably ‘Taking Liberties’. With a cover design by Jamie Reid, it featured acts including Transglobal Underground, Orbital, Test Dept, The Orb, The Shamen, The Prodigy, Galliano and DreadZone. A house tracks compilation ‘No Repetitive Beats’ was also put out. Autechre released their Anti-EP on Warp Records with a message declaring that two of the tracks ‘contain repetitive beats. We advise you not to play these tracks if the Criminal Justice Bill becomes law. “Flutter” has been programmed in such a way that no bars contain identical beats and can therefore be played under the proposed new law. However, we advise DJs to have a lawyer and a musicologist present at all times to confirm the non-repetitive nature of the music in the event of police harassment’



While all this was going on the police were certainly not waiting around for new powers. There was to be no repeat of Castlemorton – the following year (1993), a massive police operation was mounted to stop an attempt to hold an Avon Free Festival, culminating in a police road block that closed the M5 motorway – ’12 people were arrested for Blocking the Highway – exactly what the law had been doing earlier on’ (Festival Eye, 1993). In the South of England, police established Operation Snapshot to gather intelligence on parties, festivals and travellers, with the Southern Central Intelligence Unit maintaining a database with personal details and vehicle registration numbers of thousands of people. The Luton-based Exodus Collective also faced an ongoing campaign of official harassment. In February 1994, a police seizure of equipment and arrest of collective members prior to a planned party led to 4,000 people surrounding the local police station.

If all this fuelled a culture of opposition to the Criminal Justice Act, its public presence was marked by a series of three large demonstrations in London in 1994. The first major event was called by Advance Party on May Day 1994. Around 20,000 people took part: ‘all those involved in the alternative culture, ravers, protestors, squatters, travellers and all sorts, came together… it was a jubilant display of people power’. It started off in Hyde Park and ended in Trafalgar Square: ‘Eventually the armoured vehicle rave machine kicked in and the whole square erupted into dance and party’ (Frontline, No.1, Summer 1995). After the demo, sound systems including Sunnyside, Vox Populi and Desert Storm (whose armoured vehicle had been in the Square) put on a party in woodland on Wanstead Common in East London.

The second demonstration took the same route on Sunday 24 July with estimates of the numbers attending ranging from 20,000 (police) to 50,000 (organisers). Politically there were a number of tensions – the established Left, the Socialist Workers Party in particular, had woken up to the emerging movement. Their organisational skills may have helped increase the turnout, but some complained that something that was fresh and creative was being funnelled back into the traditional routine of A to B marches with speeches at the end. 

Still, it certainly didn’t feel like a traditional demo at the end. Trafalgar Square once again became a big party, with people playing in the fountains on a sunny day, lots of drumming and some music from the then ubiquitous Rinky Dink cycle powered sound system. There were clashes with police in Whitehall, after some people tried to scale the gates guarding the entrance to Downing Street. Police on horseback charged the crowd there, and 14 people were arrested.

The largest march against the Criminal Justice Bill took place on October 9th 1994 shortly before it became law. Perhaps 100,000 people took part, this time ending up in Hyde Park. Trouble started after police tried to block two lorries with sound systems entering the park:

‘A big crowd was gathered around dancing in the streets and refusing to be intimidated. There were people on top of a bus stop and at one point a couple of people even climbed on top of a police van and started dancing. The police put on riot gear, a few missiles were thrown, and somebody let off some gas, but after a standoff it was the cops that backed down and let the trucks carry on. The lorries headed off into the park with the crowd partying on and around them. People pulled police barriers across the road behind the crowd to prevent the police horses who were following from charging into us’ (The Battle for Hyde Park: radicals, ruffians and ravers, 1855-1994).

'The Battle for Hyde Park: ruffians, radicals and ravers, 1855-1994'
(written by me as part of previous Practical History project)

Police horses charged the crowd but were driven back out of the park. For several hours the park was a largely police-free autonomous party zone, while at the edges police launched baton charges and were repelled with bottles and sticks. Many people were injured on the day, and 48 arrested. Later the police launched “Operation Greystoke” to identify and arrest more of those involved, and the courts ordered the press to hand over film and photos to the police.

Right wing newspaper the Daily Mail carried the headline: ‘Revolt of the Ravers’ going on to report that the ‘flashpoint came when thugs opposed to legislation against raves tried to turn the park into a giant party’ and warning readers of ‘The ravers who call the tune- behind a front of legitimate protest, the underground party organisers who have spread misery throughout the country – music that became a rallying cry for violence’ (Daily Mail, 10 and 11 October 1994).

Within the movement there was a polarised debate about violence that became characterised as ‘Fluffy’ vs. ‘Spiky’ or ‘Chill the Bill’ vs ‘Kill the Bill’. Leaflets from the fluffier faction repeatedly urged people to ‘keep it sweet, keep it right, remember this is a peaceful fight’. One activist later reflected: ‘We wasted a lot of time feeling forced to pick between two equally-badly-defined boxes… Either you were a ‘fluffy’ and all that implied: you’d gladly lie down and let the police ride their horses over you… Or you were ‘spiky’: hard as nails and twice as loud…threw things from the back of the crowd and managed to injure or just offend most of your fellow demonstrators’ (Schnews at Ten, 2004). If there were certainly some very naïve ideas about how good vibes could sway the powers that be, it was also true that many more traditional ‘revolutionaries’ were out of their comfort zone in the unpredictable arena of techno-charged collective sociability and found it hard to conceive of escalation beyond the usual horizon of set piece confrontations with the cops.

The Act finally became law in November 1994 – the next day, five people climbed on to the roof of Westminster Hall at the Houses of Parliament and unfurled a ‘Defy the CJA’ banner. Later in the month several hundred people protested in Home Secretary Michael Howard’s front garden in Folkestone, Kent (Schnews, 23 November 1994).

At the end of that month, the police evicted the squatted Claremont Road in East London, preparing the way for the houses to be demolished as part of the M11 motorway development. A TV programme covering the police’s ‘Operation Garden Party’ included the classic line: ‘Claremont Road was notorious among locals for its psychedelia, squatters and new age travellers. But everyone living in this time-warped street of the 60s knew the rave had to end sometime’.

Hunt saboteurs and road protestors were soon being arrested for the new offence of ‘aggravated trespass’, but it was not until April 1995 that all the anti-rave powers came into full effect. Soon the powers were being used. In May, the first seizure of equipment took place when police broke up a party on a traveller site in Rendlesham Forest, Suffolk. Road blocks were set up to turn people away, and vehicles and equipment were seized from Cheba City Sounds, Virus and Giba sound systems (Schnews, 12 May 1995).

By this point there were different views about how to proceed. With the political process seemingly exhausted, many of the sound systems took the view that it was time to get back to basics. Pulling together under the umbrella of United Systems ‘the International Free Party Network’, they argued: ‘Free parties, and gatherings, along with the right to attend a free celebration, will not be saved by political campaigns, by TV chatshows, by magazine articles, by speech makers or celebrity appearances. Nor by flyers, newsletters, posters or stickers. Only free parties can save free parties!!! Only by the continued ‘input’ into our culture may our culture survive’.

In Spring ‘95, they reported ‘Every single weekend, without fail, since the enstatement of the act a huge party has gone on, without interruption from the law. Sometimes one, sometimes two, sometimes seven soundsystems. A brand new wave of enthusiasm has swept the country as ‘every posse and crew out there’ has said ‘fuck it’’.


In this climate, an effort was made to organise a festival on a similar scale to Castlemorton as an act of mass defiance. The 7/7 ‘Mother’ of all festivals was widely publicised in advance and the police were determined to prevent it, co-ordinating action across the country with helicopters and road blocks. On the weekend of July 7th 1995, they carried out dawn raids on the houses of people believed to be involved in organising the party, including Debbie from United Systems and Michele from Advance Party, and charged eight people with ‘conspiracy to cause a public nuisance’ (charges later dropped). They used Section 60 of the new CJA to set up five mile exclusion zones around potential festival sites at Corby (Northants), Sleaford (Lincs.), and Smeatharpe (Devon). They also seized and later destroyed the sound system belonging to Black Moon, a free party collective based at Buxton, Derbyshire. Three people were prosecuted under Section 63 of the CJA for failing to dismantle the rig quick enough, the first arrests under this part of the Act.

Thousands of people took to the roads in search of the festival, and despite the efforts of the police several smaller parties did happen, including at Grafham (where over 1,000 people partied) and at Steart Beach near Hinckley Point in Dorset where 150 vehicles managed to gather. But there were to be no more big, unlicensed free festivals and there haven’t been since.

Twenty years later the police are still making use of their ‘anti-rave’ powers, but nevertheless free parties are still happening all over the country. For a start, the Act only ever covered parties in the open air, not those in buildings. Open air parties in remote areas still go ahead because they are unreported, or because the police cannot mobilise the resources to close them down. Clearing even a few hundred people from a beach or field in the middle of the night is still not easy.

The Act had some unintended consequences, perhaps chiefly in uniting large parts of a generation against the Government. In September 1994, Brighton’s Justice? wrote an open letter to Home Secretary Michael Howard: ‘We are writing to thank you for the positive effect the Criminal Justice Act has had on our community. Your attempt to criminalise our culture has unified it like never before… Your inspiration has made us work closer together. Networking is happening across the nation – Road Protestors and Ravers, Gay Rights Activists and Hunt Saboteurs, Travellers and Squatters and many more’.

One result of this unity was the development of new tactics. After the ‘Battle of Hyde Park’, the Metropolitan Police paper The Job warned ’The business of allowing large, mobile sound systems in political demonstrations is a serious new problem that we will have to deal with’ (October 14, 1994). The practice of combining sound systems with protest was soon to be taken to the next level by Reclaim the Streets.

Their first big party took place in Camden High Street in May 1995, where 1,000 blocked the road and partied. But it was the ‘Rave Against the Machine’ on 23 July 1995 that really upped the ante with a sound system in an armoured car and thousands of people dancing on an occupied Upper Street in Islington. The anti-capitalist/alter-globalisation movement that developed over the rest of the decade had its roots in the anti-CJA campaign, culminating in the huge ‘Carnival Against Capital’ in June 1999 where the pounding of sound systems accompanied riotous scenes in the financial heart of the City of London.

Another effect of the repression of festivals and free parties in the UK was their spread on continental Europe, the virus transported by sound systems leaving Britain – some for long periods, some just for a break in sunnier and less hassled environments. Spiral Tribe had first headed to France in the aftermath of Castlemorton and in the summer of ’94 they were joined by others who collectively detonated the ‘Teknival’ explosion. In Milau in the South East of France, Spiral Tribe, Bedlam, Circus Irritant and Desert Storm were among the UK systems joined by local crews such as Nomad and Psychiatrik. In August, the largest Teknival so far took place in the hills of the Massif Central, brought there by 200 vehicles. The first Czech teknival took place that summer too, and at the end of the year there was a New Year’s Eve event in Vienna (Frontline, Summer 1995). Soon enough the authorities in some of these countries were framing their own new laws, but once again the genie was out of the bottle and could never completely be put back in.

There was some paranoia in the mid-1990s that the Criminal Justice Act was just the start of a more generalised offensive against dance music that would soon close down clubs as well as free parties. But this was not to be. Instead the CJA had the effect of strengthening the commercial clubbing sector as people were driven indoors to places licensed by the state for dancing – even if some of them were run hand in glove with gangsters! Mainstream dance music publication Mixmag (Jan. ’97) was to look back on 1996 as the year ‘Everything Went Nuclear’, as corporate superclubs expanded their brand, superstar DJ fees went through the roof, and huge commercial festivals like Tribal Gathering took off.

Recently UK business magazine the Economist reported ‘raving is back, but in a calmer, more mainstream form… From the Teddy Boys to the Sex Pistols, British popular music history is full of examples of edgy outsiders who horrified the establishment, then, not much later, dominated it. Rave, it seems, has taken its place in that pantheon’ (The new ravers: repetitive beats, 17 August 2013). Whether the emancipatory potential of beats and bass has really been exhausted remains to be seen, but the Criminal Justice Act of the mid-1990s was certainly a key turning point for everyone involved.

Back copies of Datacide, including this one, can be ordered here

Neil Transpontine (2013) 'Revolt of the Ravers – The Movement against the Criminal Justice Act in Britain 1993-95' in Datacide: magazine for noise and politics, 13. https://history-is-made-at-night.blogspot.com/2021/01/revolt-of-ravers-movement-against.html

This article was published (without pictures) in Datacide magazine, number 13, 2013. A version of it has been up on their website for some time but facebook is not currently allowing links from that site to be posted. For that reason I have decided to repost it at this site. 

I gave a talk based on this article for the Datacide 13 launch event held at Vinyl in Deptford in October 2013. The article also served as the starting point for an event on the anti-CJA movement held at the May Day Rooms in October 2014.

See also on the CJA:

Marching against the CJA, July 1994

Eternity report of July 1994 anti-CJA demo

Compilations against the CJA

Friday, September 30, 2011

Police and parties, 1994-95

A while ago I posted chronologies of police and parties from 1996 and 1997. Here's some more from 1994 and 1995, all from England unless otherwise stated.

1994

January

( N.Ireland): A member of the Royal Ulster Constabulary is acquitted of the murder of 19 year-old Kevin McGovern in 1991, and will now return to police duty. McGovern was shot in the back on his way to a disco in Cookstown. The policeman claimed he thought the youth was armed (he wasn't). A few weeks earlier (on December 23) two British soldiers were found not guilty of the murder of Fergal Carraher, an unarmed man who was shot dead at an army checkpoint in Cullhana in 1990.

March

(N.Ireland): 16 people are arrested and many injured as RUC police with riot gear and dogs attack young people leaving a dance in Omagh. As the dance finished, police sealed off surrounding streets. People are beaten about the head with three foot long batons and plastic bullets fired.

April

Richard O’Brien, a 37 year old father of seven is killed by police from Walworth police station in south London. He had been to a dance at an Irish centre after a christening; outside he got into an argument with cops who held him down on the ground for 5 minutes after handcuffing him. In 1995 an inquest jury found that he had been unlawfully killed.

November

100 police raid Riverside club in Newcastle, making 33 arrests

December

Police raid on Final Frontier, techno night at Club UK, Wandsworth, South London

1995

May

Police with riot shields raid a techno free party at the ArtLab, Preston and impound the sound system, decks, records and other equipment. 21 arrests [Mixmag July 1995]

(Scotland): Drug squad cops harrass people at Ingnition II, a commercial rave in Aberdeen. 75 people were searched (some of them up to four times in a half hour period), and some arrested.

3000 people attend an all-weekend free party organised by United Systems at a disused air force base near Woodbridge, Suffolk featuring Virus, Vox Populi, Jiba, Oops and Chiba City sound systems. Police shut down the party on Monday afternoon, arresting four people and confiscating equipment (all returned within two weeks).

Police close down free party put on by Transient and Babel sound systems near Bangor (Wales).

Heavy police presence at Phenomenon One at the Hacienda, Manchester. Although there was no trouble, the police complained that there were too many people smoking grass and drinking after 2 am, and the management cancelled future jungle nights.

June

Police raid Home in Manchester, and call for it to be closed down permanently. It doesn’t reopen until December.

July

The weekend of July 7th 1995 saw the first major police operation using the ‘anti-rave’ sections of the Criminal Justice Act. Cops across the country coordinated their efforts and successfully managed to prevent the planned 7/7 “mother” of all free festivals. To stop people dancing in a field, police:

- raided the houses of people believed to be involved in organising the party and charged eight people with “conspiracy to cause a public nuisance”;
- took over the party info phonelines and questioned callers;
- used helicopters and set up roadblocks to stop people getting to planned festival sites at Corby (Northants), Sleaford (Lincs.), and Smeatharpe (Devon) where ten people were arrested.
- seized the sound system belonging to Black Moon (a free party collective based at Buxton, Derbyshire), charging three people under Section 63 of the CJA, the first time it has been used.
- used Section 60 of the CJA to set up five mile exclusion zones around festival sites.

Thousands of people took to the roads in search of the festival, and despite the efforts of the police several smaller parties did happen, including at Grafham (where over 1000 people partied) and at Steart Beach near Hinckley Point in Dorset where 150 vehicles managed to gather.

Bottles and bricks thrown at police by people being turned away from a warehouse near Huddersfield, Yorkshire where a party was to be held. 3 people are arrested after shop and police car windows are smashed.

70 police raid Progress house night in Derby. Everybody in the club (punters, staff and security) searched and made to leave, and the club was closed down

On July 23rd 1995 Reclaim the Streets closed down one of London’s busiest roads and held a big free party. Publicity for ‘Rave against the machine’ had been circulating for weeks with only the venue a secret. While police wondered where the action would be hundreds of people poured out of Angel tube station and blocked Islington high street, transforming it quickly into a car free zone. Banners calling for an end to the “tyranny of the motor car” and “support the railworkers” (on strike) were hung across the road, and sound systems, including one fitted onto an armoured car, sprang into action. Chill out spaces were created with bits of carpet on the road and a few comfy armchairs, as well as a giant sandpit for children. A couple of thousand people partied from noon to about seven o’clock while the police watched on unamused. After the music finished and most people had gone home, riot cops took out their frustration on those left behind, baton charging them down to Kings Cross, and making 38 arrests

(Scotland): “The friendly ‘boys on blue’ or rather ‘psycho cops in combat gear’ launched a massive, over-the-top drugs raid on the Kathouse club in Lockerbie. About 50 of them burst in, handcuffed everyone and carted them off to Lockerbie and Dumfries police station. Everyone was interrogated, finger prints were taken and they had to mark on a plan of the Kathouse where they had been sitting and they were all strip searched. The police treated everyone like shit. The Kathouse holds about 150 people max. It’s in a small town and the club itself is not very big. .. The music ranged from house to hardcore, the atmosphere was electric, there was never any violence... 6 people out of 77 were charged with possession of drugs” [M8, October 1995.]

August

(Canada): In Shuswap territory, a sacred sundance and burial site was been occupied by Native Americans. At the end of August 1995, heavily armed Royal Canadian Mounted Police cut off all communications to the Shuswap camp, and surround the area. One Canadian cop refered to the sundancers as “dancing prairie niggers”. [Earth First Action Update, September 1995]

(Argentina): Police arrest 130 gay men and transvestites after storming the gay pub Gas Oil in Buenos Aires on suspicion of ‘corruption’. In Mar del Plata, 60 lesbians and gay men were stripped searched and arrested in the Petroleo disco [Pink Paper, 1 September 1995]

September

(Iran): “A bride has been sentenced to 85 lashes in Mashhad, Iran, for dancing with men at her wedding. The court sentenced 127 wedding guests to floggings or fines and jailed one man.” [Guardian, 5 September 1995]

(Ireland): Tribal Gathering II, due to take place in Cavan on September 30th, is cancelled after the local police object. A local cop says that they did not have the resources to stop “the undesirable elements that shows of this nature attract”. Cavan County Council had initially approved the event, but after the intervention of the Garda they moved the goalposts and said that the organisers (Universe and The Mean Fiddler) would need planning permission, impossible in the time remaining.

Over 114 arrests (mainly for drugs) at Dreamscape, a commercial rave at Brafield Aeordorome, Northampton.

35 people arrested in police raid on party at Clyro near Hay-on-Wye on the Welsh border.

October

150 police raid Club UK in south London. Operation Blade involved dogs, horses, and the Territorial Support Group. 800 clubbers were turned out on to the streets, and many searched. 10 people were arrested

(Wales): Police raid 37 pubs and clubs in mid-Wales, making 50 arrests after seizing various drugs

11 people are nicked in a a drugs raid on Happy Jax in south-east London.

On Saturday October 21st 1995, 600 people block Deansgate, one of Manchester’s busiest shopping streets for a Reclaim the Streets protest. People dance and party until 5:00 pm, when the police threaten to arrest the Desert Storm Sound System (veterans of Hyde Park and Bosnia). The crowd move to Albert Square (outside the Town Hall) where they carry on till the morning.

November

(Scotland): 30 police raid Slam at the Arches in Glasgow.

150 police wait outside Dance Paradise event in Great Yarmouth searching people and making 86 arrests ; the rave was spread over three venues and the police stopped and searched people as they moved between them. The police invited BBC and ITV crews to film the operation [Mixmag, January 1996]

Manager of the Mineshaft gay club in Manchester convicted under the Disorderly Houses Act 1751 for supposedly allowing men to have sex with men in a back-room at the club (raided by police in April 1994 with 13 arrests).

The owner of Peckham gay bar Attitude fined under an 1832 Act for “allowing disorderly behaviour”. Undercover cops in leather visited the club earlier this year, as did two Southwark Council Licensing officers. The latter attended an underwear party and stripped down in the spirit of things before reporting that they had seen men having oral sex and four men dancing, when the bar had no dancing licence [Gay Gazette 8 November 1995]

The House of Lords refuses to repeal the Sunday Observance Act of 1780 which forbids pubs and clubs from charging for dances on the Sabbath. While horse racing and shopping have been allowed, the Lords ruled Sunday dances too sensitive and needing more public consultation. The Metropolitan Police have written to pubs warning them that they could be fined for breaking these rules. Since New Years Eve falls on a Sunday some events (such as a Sign of the Times party at the ICA) have already been cancelled. The law also requires special licences to extend music, dancing and drinking hours on a Sunday [Time Out, November 1995, Gay Gazette, 8 Nov. 1995]

December

Police raid the Dolphin gay pub in Wakefield at 2:30 am on Boxing Day and arrest 15 people because “Licensing laws were being broken”

Seven people become the first to be found guilty under the “rave” sections of the Criminal Justice Act, after being arrested at a party on the site of an anti-roads protest in Whitstable, Kent

(Australia) 20,000 people from all over the world turn up for the Bondi beach party in Sydney on Christmas Day. Police threaten to ban next year’s party, or at least make it alcohol-free after rioting at the end. On New Year’s Eve, there is more trouble: 12 people were arrested and rocks and bottles were thrown at cops.